Constantinou, Costas M., and Maria Tselepou. ‘Branding Orthodoxy: Religious diplomacy and the Makarios legacy in Sub-Saharan Africa’, Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 2016, pp. 1-15.
This article investigates religious diplomacy and its branding potential and power ramifications, focusing on Cypriot missionary work in Sub-Saharan Africa. It analyses the diplomacy of Archbishop Makarios III, the first President of the Republic of Cyprus, who branded Orthodoxy as an anti-colonial alternative to the African ‘colonial religions’. Makarios used religious diplomacy instrumentally for domestic and international legitimacy as well as for enhancing Cypriot statehood during periods of internal and external contestation. The article also examines the current work of the Greek Orthodox (Cypriot) Mission in Kenya, the continuities and shifts with regard to the initial aims of Makarios’s religious diplomacy. It looks at the extent to which the Mission has been internationalized and potential to function as a ‘reverse mission’ also representing Kenyan-Africans in Cyprus. The article is based on archival research, press coverage, interviews and participatory observation.
Costas M. Constantinou and Sam. Okoth Opondo, ‘Engaging the “Ungoverned”: The merging of diplomacy, defence and development’, Cooperation and Conflict, Vol. 51 (3), 2016, pp. 307-24.
This article explores biopolitical practices that extend beyond national borders and take the whole of humanity as their province. It looks at how attempts to secure and optimize conditions of living in Africa are not merely governmental in scope but also diplomatic in their conceptualization and conduct. It specifically examines the merging of diplomacy, defence and development (or the 3Ds), which purports to optimize life and shape ways of being in areas that cannot be ‘fully governed or resist domestication. It assesses the impact of diplomatic pluralization, characterized by the militarization of diplomacy and development, the diplomatization of the military, and new forms of diplomatic outreach, as practised by agencies such as AFRICOM. At stake in this exploration is an ethico-political critique of 3D engagement through which lives, conducts and relationshipsare negotiated in the postcolony
Antonis Chaldeos, ‘The French colonial policy in Tunisia between 1920 and 1930 and its influence on the Greek community‘, The Journal of North African Studies, 2015 (published online).
The Greek presence in Tunisia dates back to the middle of the sixteenth century, when merchants and ex-slaves, once victims of the pirates operating in North Africa, settled primarily in the ports of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli. During that period, Tunisia was part of the Ottoman Empire, and from1705 a semiindependent hegemony. The French invasion of North Africa was a crucial point in the Greek community’s long presence in Tunisia. The French colonial policy brought tremendous changes in the social life of people residing in multinational Tunisia, including Greeks. The decade between 1920 and 1930 marked a series of reforms in the governmental structures of Tunisia. These events also affected Greek residents in Tunisia. Although they retained their religious identity, their ethnic orientation became directly dependent on these political and social changes, since that is when the majority of Greeks acquired French citizenship. It is important to examine whether this shift was accompanied by a transformation of the Greek national identity and the extent of its influence within the actual Greek community.
Asteris Huliaras, EU-African Relations: Dealing with the Challenges of the Future, Brussels: Center for European Studies, 2012.
Asteris Huliaras, ‘The Illusion of Unitary Players and the Fallacy of Geopolitical Rivalry: The European Union and China in Africa’, The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 101 (5), 2012, pp. 425-434.
Journalists, academics and politicians portray the European Union and China as unitary actors that follow coherent strategies towards ‘Africa’. These perceptions help in turn to sustain a discourse of geopolitical competition: the EU and China are presented as bitter rivals of a new ‘Cold War’. This ‘new scramble for Africa’ narrative is an illusion. Despite official declarations, Brussels’ ties with ‘Africa’ are only a small part of a complex web of relationships. Moreover, China’s presence in Africa is far less monolithic than outside observers assume. However, these flawed perceptions are quite persistent because they serve the ambitions and interests of governing elites.
Asteris Huliaras, ‘The Unanticipated Break-Up of Sudan: Causes and Consequences of Redrawing International Boundaries’, Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, Vol. 50 (3), 2012, pp. 257-270.
The paper examines the reasons that led to the break-up of Sudan. While both domestic and external factors explain the largely unanticipated outcome, domestic factors were far more important than external ones. However, the international consequences of Sudan’s break-up may be far-reaching. Most international observers have claimed that the independence of South Sudan is ‘exceptional’ and does not create a precedent for redrawing international boundaries. The paper argues that this view ignores implicit norm dynamics and argues instead that the South’s secession should be considered as an addition to a number of on-going debates that increasingly question the sanctity of colonial boundaries.
Asteris Huliaras and Nikolaos Tzifakis, ‘The Fallacy of the Autonomous Celebrity Activist in Global Politics: George Clooney and Mia Farrow in Darfur’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Vol. 25 (3), 2012, pp. 417-431.
Celebrities have been accused of oversimplifying the conflict in Darfur, of exaggerating the number of people killed and of cursorily labelling it the ‘first genocide of the 21st century’. Celebrity activists have also been criticized for advocating drastic measures like military intervention, and for aggressively pursuing the fulfilment of arrest warrants by the International Criminal Court at the expense of quiet diplomacy and reconciliation, ultimately making matters worse. This article examines the role of two Hollywood celebrities—Mia Farrow and George Clooney—in Sudan’s ‘messy war’. It claims that most proponents and critics of celebrity activism overestimate the role that these two individuals played. Clooney and Farrow did not act alone but were latecomer adherents to a transnational advocacy network (the Save Darfur Coalition) and their role was more in strengthening than in altering messages.
Asteris Huliaras and Konstantinos Magliveras, ‘The End of an Affair ? Libya and Sub-Saharan Africa’, The Journal of North African Studies, Vol. 16 (2), June 2011, pp. 167-181.
This article reviews the policy that Libya has followed vis-a-vis the countries of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and the African Union (AU) during the last decade. The first part examines Libya’s attempt to promote the ‘United States of Africa’ agenda. It analyses the multifaceted role of Libya in the AU and presents her attempts to promote sub-regional integration through the Community of Sahel-Saharian States (CEN-SAD). It also examines Tripoli’s policy of mediating in African conflicts and reinforcing economic relations with SSA. The second part of the article examines Libya’s policy towards SSA in the context of her wider external relations and evaluates the extent of continuity and change. The article concludes that volatility continues to be the crucial characteristic of Libya’s foreign policy.
Asteris Huliaras and Konstantinos Magliveras, ‘In Search of a Policy: EU and US Reactions to the Growing Chinese Presence in Africa’, European Foreign Affairs Revies, Vol. 13 (3), 2008, pp. 399-420.
The recent inroads made by China in the African continent as a trading partner, investor and donor have been important both in terms of magnitude and pace. Even though for a number of African regimes it signifies increased bargaining power, the growing Chinese presence in Africa was greeted with skepticism or anxiety in the West. After an overview of the multifaceted Chinese presence in Africa and the stance taken by the USA, the article attempts to identify the reasons that could explain the rather belated, especially if its traditional ties with Africa are taken into account, EU response. It concludes by predicting a rapprochement between the EU and the USA over the ways to deal with various aspects of China’s increasing presence in Africa.
Konstantinos Magliveras and Asteris Huliaras, ‘Understanding Success and Failure in the Quest for Peace: The Pan-African Parliament and the Amani Forum’, The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, Vol. 11 (2-3), 2016, pp. 275-291.
Parliaments in Africa have traditionally been sidelined with regard to security and peace issues. This article compares the Pan-African Parliament, the parliamentary organ of the African Union, with the Great Lakes Parliamentary Forum on Peace, better known as the Amani Forum, which started as an informal regional network and later developed more formal structures. The analysis focuses on the role of these two institutions in conflict prevention. While the Amani Forum provides an excellent example of the potential contribution of parliamentary forums to promoting and restoring peace, the Pan-African Parliament has been unable to operate as an effective parliamentary organ in conflict resolution and prevention. The article examines several factors that can explain the contrasting performances of the two institutions: their formal and informal structures; different membership and organizational structures; the density and quality of intra-institutional ties; as well as differences in geographical and thematic focus.
Nikolaos Metaxides, La diaspora hellénique en Afrique Noire: Ésprit d’entreprise, culture et développement des grecs au Cameroun, Publisher: Editions universitaires europeennes, 2011.
Arrivés au Cameroun autour des années 1920, les Grecs, se sont investis en intermédiaires dans les secteurs de l’économie coloniale. Très vite urbains, après avoir été des aventuriers broussards avant, ils se constituent en communautés. À partir de 1950 et des plans FIDES d’équipement des territoires coloniaux français, ce sera leur apogée. Ils monteront en gamme sur le plan économique. La croissance économique et l’urbanisation ont fait naître de nouvelles activités (bâtiment, construction, quincaillerie, grands magasins, importation). La longue période d’ajustement structurel et la dévaluation du FCFA en 1994, ont découragé les hommes d’affaires grecs à la fois solidaires et concurrents. Leur fonction d’intermédiaires s’affaiblissant, une série d’activités qu’ils faisaient (exploitation forestière, transport) sont passées ainsi dans les mains des concurrents (Libanais, Bamiléké). Avec les indépendances, ils céderont le petit commerce aux nationaux, seront touchés par l’africanisation des entreprises et la concurrence d’entrepreneurs africains dynamiques. Ils gardent encore le commerce technologique sophistiqué, les supermarchés et ont une place de choix dans la boulangerie
Nikolaos Métaxidès, ‘Greeks of Cameroun, an entrepreneurial diaspora (1950 – 2007)’, Revue Européenne des Migrations internationales, Vol. 26 (2), 2010, pp.169-189 (in french).
This text tries to describe the Hellenic presence in Cameroun. We followed the evolution of the Greek colony through three axes: a. the way of the immigrants as those live it, conceive it and describe it, b. historical approach of Hellenic immigration through the influences, especially economic, that this one receive since the first years of after- guerre and c. a short analysis of the institutional characteristics of the collective identity of the Greek immigrants in Cameroun, who are the organization in communities, the church, education and the entrepreneurial activity. We tried to interpret the current location to which is the Greek colony since all those among the Greeks who remained in Black Africa, are individuals decided to deal with the difficulties, incontestably important, of a hard local economic environment, of regional nature, which receives strong pressures at the geopolitical and geo-economic level, within the framework of a globalized economy.
Emile Tsékénis, ‘La “frontière africaine” revisitée: “ethnogenèse” dans les Grassfields de l’est (le cas de la chefferie bamiléké de Batié). Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 44 (1), pp. 142-177.
The article questions Kopytoff’s ‘frontier thesis’ (Kopytoff 1987) by exploring processes of ‘ethnogenesis’ in pre-colonial eastern Grassfields (West Cameroon). It focuses on a Bamiléké chiefdom. The methodology employed combines local oral tradition (see Vansina 1985) with other sources (such as colonial reports and archaeological findings) giving emphasis upon historical and cultural contextualisation. It concludes with some suggestions concerning the conceptualization of time and agency, the historicity and the culture of Grassfields pre-colonial societies, sketching a bold comparison with case studies from central Africa (MacGaffey, Miller, Vansina).
Emile Tsékénis, ‘Kinship values and the production of “locality” in pre-colonial Cameroon Grassfields (WestCameroon) ». Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society, Vol. 35 (3), 2010, pp. 5-27.
Igor Kopytoff introduced the concept of the ‘African frontier’ (Kopytoff 1987) in the mid 8o’s, providing scholars of Africa with a powerful tool which helped to overcome scientific and political objections posed by concepts such as ‘tribe’ or ‘ethnic group’. In the subsequent decades, the paradigm has been subjected to scrutiny by major scholars of sub-Saharan Africa (Guyer 1993; Guyer and Belinga 1995; MacGaffey 2005; Vansina 1990, 2004; Zeitlyn and Connell 2003). The first part of the article sketches a brief definition of Kopytoff’s paradigm, summarizes the critical assessment of the model and argue for a shift in terms/concepts while at the same time preserving Kopytoff’s most useful insights. In the second part I show in what sense concepts such as ‘locality’ and ‘neighbourhood’ (Appadurai 1995) fit into the study of Cameroon Grassfields. Finally I implement the theoretical discussion developed in the first part with data collected in the considered region, illustrating how kinship values worked through official discourse (foundational narratives) in order to produce ‘locality’ in precolonial Grassfields. Overall, I suggest that concepts like ‘locality’, ‘neighbourhoods’ and ‘ethnoscape’ (Appadurai 1991, 1995) initially forged for ethnographies of and in contemporary settings to describe modern societies, can apply to pre-colonial Africa.
Mariangela Veikou, ‘Images of crisis and opportunity. A study of African migration to Greece, Qualitative Sociology Review, Volume IX (1), 2013, pp. 58-75.
The economic crisis in Greece is becoming a way of life and it is affecting, among other things, the way the Greek society views immigration. Greek people are waking up to the reality that immigrants in the streets of big cities would not go back. The kind of economic state of emergency in need of all sorts of austerity measures the Greek society is entering, shockingly, brings about the fear even in liberal minds that the country cannot provide for all. In this paper I draw from my own newly conducted ethnographic study to explore two interconnected themes: the study of local aspects of integration of Sub-Saharan African migrants in the city center of Athens, Greece and the use of photographic images in ethnographic research. More specifically, the paper discusses the representations of difference via a series of contemporary street photographs depicting everyday life instances of African migrants in the city center of Athens. It thus creates a visual narrative of metropolitan life, which forms the basis for a discussion on three themes related to discourses on migrant integration in light of today’s economic crisis: a) the physical and social environment of marginalization, b) the migrant body, and c) the fear of the migrant.
Mariangela Veikou, ‘Responses to Migration. Social Integration and Representations of the Immigrant’, in T. Cook, M. I. Diedrich, F. Lindo (eds), Crossing Boundaries: African American Inner City and European Migrant Youth, Berlin: LIT Verlag, 2003, pp. 163-177.
The paper is based on research conducted during 2000-1 in Florence (Italy) in the context of an international project, funded by the European Commission, which concentrated on making sense of Italy, as well as three other European countries (Germany, UK and Greece), as an immigrant receiving society. Data from interview texts gathered during that period are anew analysed in the present paper, to examine and reflect on the representation of immigrants in the Italian society, as revealed in the daily practice of two agencies involved with the implementation of immigration law provisions –a Provincial Foreigners’ Office of the Police Headquarters and an Accommodation Centre. The aim was to study the synchronic aspects of culture manifested in talk, values, beliefs of the employees and clients therein. Against this knowledge we hoped to reveal various themes in the representation of immigrants in this framework of employee/agent versus client/immigrant context of relation. The analysis is based on data collected by means of participant observation and
Antonis Chaldeos, The Greeks of Morocco (In Greek) (O ellinismos tou Marokou. I elliniki paroikia 1904-2012), Athens:Hellenique Communaute du Maroc , 2012.
The migratory flow from Greece to Africa has been intensified in the early 20th century, with the exception of Egypt, where Greek communities flourished since the 19th century. Although the bulk of migrants headed to the southern and south-eastern Africa, some of them, taking advantage of the economic and political circumstances of that time, settled in Morocco. This book examines the relatively unknown Greek diaspora of Morocco which, for more than one hundred years, had an influential presence in the country. In this book we present this process including the initial period and the formation of communities in several towns, as well as the operation of institutions like the church and education within the community. At the same time, emphasis is given on the anthropogeography of the diaspora through research areas such as social stratification and occupations of expatriates. Furthermore, we focus on the position of the Greeks in the political and social context of the transition from colonialism to independence of the country, as well as their interaction with the natives. Finally, after the attempted integration of the Greek community of Morocco in the world system of the Greek diaspora, we present the current status and analyze the future prospects of the remaining Greeks.
Antonis Chaldeos, The Greek Community of Mozambique (In Greek) (I elliniki paroikia tis Mozamvikis), Athens, 2015.
Το βιβλίο αναλύει την ελληνική παρουσία στην Μοζαμβίκη, άρρηκτα συνδεδεμένη με τις γεωπολιτικές ανακατατάξεις στην Αφρική μεταξύ 19ου και 20ου αιώνα. Διερευνά ζητήματα που σχετίζονται με τη διαδικασία και τα στάδια συγκρότησης της διασποράς καθώς και τις πολιτικές και οικονομικές συνθήκες που οδήγησαν στην επιλογή του συγκεκριμένου τόπου εγκατάστασης. Αναλύονται οι θεσμοί που ανέπτυξαν οι Έλληνες, ενώ μελετάται ο τρόπος έκφρασης και το φάσμα δραστηριοποίησης της ελληνικής επιχειρηματικής κουλτούρας. Το βιβλίο αποτελεί αποτέλεσμα έρευνας σε πορτογαλικά, ελληνικά και μοζαμβικάνικα αρχεία και περιλαμβάνει πρωτότυπες φωτογραφίες και ιστορικά έγγραφα της εποχής.
Asteris Huliaras and Sotiris Petropoulos, Africa and the Others: Africa’s Relations with Europe and the World (In Greek) (Η Αφρική και οι Άλλοι: Οι Σχέσεις της Αφρικής με την Ευρώπη και τον Κόσμο), Αθήνα: Κάλλιπος, 2016.
Η Αφρική αλλάζει. Τα γνωστά στερεότυπα μιας ηπείρου «χωρίς ελπίδα», βυθισμένης στη φτώχεια και στους εμφυλίους πολέμους, ανταποκρίνονται ολοένα και λιγότερο στην πραγματικότητα. Το βιβλίο αναλύει τις πολιτικές και οικονομικές εξελίξεις στις αφρικανικές χώρες καθώς και τις σχέσεις τους με την Eυρώπη, τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και την Κίνα από την αποικιοκρατία και την περίοδο του Ψυχρού Πολέμου μέχρι σήμερα.